Food in Mary Rowlandsons The Sovereignty and Goodness of God Essay

Food in Mary Rowlandson's The Sovereignty and Goodness of God "Food is a medium for life, a dynamic of life, and an expression of the whims, joys, terrors, and histories in life. Food, more than anything else, is life." - Anonymous Neither life nor culture can be sustained without food. On a very basic level, food is fundamentally essential for life, not simply to exist, but also to thrive. A means by which carbohydrates, fats, proteins, vitamins, nutrients, and calories are introduced into the body, food is a mechanism of survival. However, on a more abstract level, food is also fundamentally essential for culture by establishing its perimeters and dimensions and in shaping its authenticity and character. Food becomes the carbohydrates and calories that maintain any culture. Food offers a dynamic cross-section of man's tendencies. "Nourishment, a basic biological need," argues anthropologist Sidney Mintz, "becomes something else because we humans transform it symbolically into a system of meaning for much more than itself" (7). By examining food consumption and preparation, much is discoverd regarding the intricacies of culture. The preparation and consumption of food in Puritan society are reflect ed in Mary Rowlandson's The Sovereignty and Goodness of God. Rowlandson's view of food and admissions of hunger in the infancy of her captivity cast a revealing light upon the roots of her conceptions and ideas about food and, more generally, about her culture's conceptions and ideas about food. As the conflict between her soul and her stomach raged over food, Rowlandson's attitudes toward the Native Americans' preparation and consumption of food reflect the socialization of the Puritans to believe that every meal ... ... Mary Caroline. The Days of the Pilgrim Fathers. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1970. [secondary source] Geree, John. "The Character of an Old English Puritan, or Non-Conformist." 17th Century Primary Source Documents <http://www.orst.edu/dept/history/primary17.htm> Accessed 21 May 2001. [primary source] Goodwin, Lorinda B. R. An Archeology of Manners: The Polite World of the Merchant Elite of Colonial Massachusettes. Boston: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, 1999. [secondary source] Mintz, Sidney W. Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom: Excursions into Eating, Culture, and the Past. Boston: Beacon Press, 1996. [secondary source] Mizruchi, Susan L. "The Place of Ritual in Our Time." American Literary History 12, no. 3 (2000): 467-492. [secondary source] Rowlandson, Mary. The Sovereignty and Goodness of God. Boston: Bedford Books, 1997.

Burden Of Overweight Shifting Poor Health And Social Care Essay

Background: Overweight and fleshiness prevalence has increased globally ; nevertheless, current prevalence and tendencies of fleshy by societal category in low- and middle-income states are unknown. Methods: Repeated cross-sectional, nationally representative informations from adult females aged 18-49 ( n=556,352 ) in 41 low- and middle-income states were used to find the prevalence of corpulence ( body mass index a†°?25 ) at each study moving ridge by wealth quintile and educational attainment ( individually ) . The SES-specific prevalence difference and prevalence growing rate for each state were compared for the lowest and highest SES groups. Linear arrested development estimated the association between state wealth and fleshy prevalence growing. Consequences: In the bulk of country-years the highest wealth and instruction groups still have the highest age-standardized prevalence of corpulence and fleshiness ( 97 of 111 entire country-years ) . However, in about half of the states ( 21 of 41 ) , the additions in fleshy prevalence over clip have been greater in the lowest SES group compared to the highest SES group. Higher country-level Gross Domestic Product per capita ( GDP ) was associated with a higher fleshy prevalence growing rate for the lowest wealth group compared to the highest ( aGDPper capita/1000= 0.24 ; 95 % CI -0.015, 0.46 ) . Decisions: Presently, higher SES groups have more fleshy than lower SES groups across most developing states. However, half the states show a faster growing rates in corpulence in the lowest Selenium groups, declarative mood of an on-going displacement in the fleshy load toward lower SES groups. Across states, this displacement toward faster fleshy growing among lower wealth groups is associated with higher GDP. ( Word Count: 250 ) Introduction Low socioeconomic position ( SES ) is associated with higher rates of chronic disease in high-income states 1-4. In lower-income states, chronic disease has merely late go a prima cause of morbidity and mortality 5, and less is known about the societal patterning of emerging chronic diseases in these contexts. In the yesteryear, corpulence was comparatively uncommon in lower-income states and was positively associated with SES 6. However, the prevalence of corpulence has increased dramatically in many lower-income states around the universe over the last 5-15 old ages 7-9. As the load of nutrition-related disease has shifted toward overnutrition 10, it is unknown whether the load of these emerging diseases is going comparatively heavier among lower SES groups. Recent cross-sectional grounds suggests that in the bulk of lower-income states wealthier groups have a higher odds of corpulence. However, within-country clip tendencies of the fleshy prevalence for high and low socioeconomic position groups have non been reported. Changes in the fleshy prevalence over clip by socioeconomic position group are of import for understanding which groups are sing an increasing load of corpulence which can assist expect emerging forms of disease. ( ? ) Based on ascertained relationships in higher income states and on the documented relentless associations between low socioeconomic position and the prima causes of disease in many contexts, experts have hypothesized that the load of chronic disease in lower income states will finally switch toward lower SES populations within these states ( believe I can mention yach and popkin, possibly others look at concluding disseration chapter ) . Brazil is one of the few middle-income states in which alterations over clip in the SES-specific fleshy prevalence are available. Nationally-representative informations between 1975 and 2003 indicate that, among adult females, the lowest income groups have experienced much more rapid additions in fleshiness prevalence compared to highest SES groups 11. Among the two most thickly settled parts in Brazil, the fleshiness prevalence in the lowest income group has really surpassed that in the highest income group 12. Such a form of alteration in SES-specif ic fleshiness rates is consistent with a switching load of fleshiness to the hapless. Similar forms have been reported among adult females in urban countries of sub-saharan Africa ( ref? ? ) †¦ Merely with faster fleshy prevalence growing rates for the low SES groups could the relationship between high SES and overweight finally go opposite in states with antecedently positive relationships. On the other manus, there is research to propose that higher SES populations in lower income states will go on to bear the largest load of chronic disease. In India†¦ Additionally, economic dazes frequently affect nutrient security and can go forth populations with the lowest socioeconomic position most vulnerable to inadequate nutrition in these circumstances.13 ( seek to happen some scientific rating of this, might get down by reading Sen article ) . Merely with faster fleshy prevalence growing rates for the low SES groups could the relationship between high SES and overweight finally go opposite in states with antecedently positive relationships. Such a displacement of the load of fleshiness to low SES groups in states come oning through epidemiologic passages would be consistent with the cardinal cause theory of disease ( 11, 12 ) . This theory is frequently invoked to explicate wellness disparities and high spots the overall persistance of the relationship between SES and hapless wellness over clip, despite alterations in the T ( 1, 11, 13-15 ) . Brazil is one of the few middle-income states in which alterations over clip in the SES-specific fleshy prevalence are available. Nationally-representative informations between 1975 and 2003 indicate that, among adult females, the lowest income groups have experienced document within-country clip tendencies for growing in and, higher entire fleshy prevalence? ? ? ? is from the Demographic Health Surveys ( DHS ) , which are nationally representative family studies administered chiefly in low- and middle-income states ( henceforth referred to as lower-income states ) . The studies entail repeated cross-sections and roll up information about cardinal demographic features, birthrate, contraceptive method, wellness and nutrition. The DHS questionnaires are standardized to enable cross-country comparings 21. Since our primary involvement is in the clip trends in fleshy prevalence we included merely states that measured anthropometrics in at least two study moving ridges. beginnings that include anthropometric informations on at least two perennial steps over clip. The bulk are from Demographic Health AAdditionally, s 22, 232425 ) . Wealth and instruction were used individually to stand for SES. To stand for wealth, we used the DHS wealth index, which is derived from a chief constituents analysis ( PCA ) of some assets that were asked in all DHS studies, every bit good as some country-specific assets 26. The wealth index was used to make country- and year-specific quintiles of wealth mark, which were used as a categorical variable in the analyses. Education was categorized based on the educational mileposts: no schooling, primary, secondary, third school. If less than 2 % of the population fell into any one of the instruction classs, that class was combined with the following closest class to avoid unstable estimations. Results Age-standardized fleshy prevalence was determined for each wealth and instruction group in each state and in each study twelvemonth and SES ( wealth or instruction ) group. Sample weights to account for complex study design were used in all analyses. Analysiss were conduced individually by: 1 ) wealth quintile, 2 ) instruction group. Our results of involvement were 1 ) the difference in fleshy prevalence between the lowest and the highest wealth/education groups for each study moving ridge ( prevalence difference ( PD ) ) , and, to measure clip tendencies, 2 ) the annualized difference in the net alteration in fleshy prevalence between the first and last study moving ridge for the lowest and highest wealth/education groups ( annualized difference in fleshy prevalence alteration rate ) . To cipher the prevalence difference for wealth quintiles, we subtracted the prevalence in the highest wealth quintile from that of the lowest wealth quintile ( Overweightlowest- Overweighthighest ) in each study wave in each state. A positive corpulence prevalence difference would so bespeak that the lower wealth quintile had a higher prevalence of fleshy compared to the higher wealth quintile. To obtain the annualized difference in the fleshy prevalence growing rates between wealth quintiles, we took the difference between the net alteration in fleshy prevalence in the highest group and the net alteration in the lowest group ( Overweightlowest, lastwave- Overweightlowest, firstwave ) – ( Overweighthighest, lastwave – Overweighthighest, firstwave ) . A positive difference in prevalence growing rates indicated the lowest wealth quintile had a higher rate of prevalence growing rate than did the highest quintile. We repeat these analyses for each state by instruction group, classified by educational mileposts, lowest being no schooling and highest being third school. SES was represented by wealth and instruction, in separate analyses, to research the hardiness of the consequences to different indexs of SES. For DHS states, we used the DHS wealth index ; it is derived from a chief constituents analysis ( PCA ) of assets that were asked in all studies, every bit good as some country-specific variables 2727 Potentially do age-standardization as sensitiveness analysis merely. Make 90 % CI and site Davey-Smith article 27 619 1128 2930 14 19 hazard factors for obesityrisk factors for 1. Phelan JC, Link BG, Diez-Roux A, Kawachi I, Levin B. â€Å" Cardinal causes † of societal inequalities in mortality: a trial of the theory. J Health Soc Behav 2004 ; 45:265-85. 2. Antonovsky A. Social Class, Life Expectancy and Overall Mortality. The Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 1967 ; 45:31-73. 3. Adler NE, Boyce T, Chesney MA, et Al. Socioeconomic position and wellness: The challenge of the gradient. American Psychologist 1994 ; 49:15-24. 4. Marmot MG, Smith GD, Stansfeld S, et al. Health inequalities among British civil retainers: the Whitehall II survey. Lancet 1991 ; 337:1387-93. 5. WHO. The universe wellness study 2003: determining the hereafter. Geneva: World Health Organization ; 2003. 6. Sobal J, Stunkard AJ. Socioeconomic position and fleshiness: a reappraisal of the literature. Psychol Bull 1989 ; 105:260-75. 7. Popkin BM. The World Is Fat: The Fads, Trends, Policies, and Merchandises That Are Fattening the Human Race. New York: Avery-Penguin Group ; 2008. 8. Popkin BM. Global nutrition kineticss: the universe is switching quickly toward a diet linked with noncontagious diseases. Am J Clin Nutr 2006 ; 84:289-98. 9. Popkin BM, Conde W, Hou N, Monteiro C. Is there a slowdown globally in fleshy tendencies for kids compared with grownups? Obesity ( Silver Spring ) 2006 ; 14:1846-53. 10. Mendez MA, Monteiro CA, Popkin BM. Overweight exceeds scraggy among adult females in most underdeveloped states. Am J Clin Nutr 2005 ; 81:714-21. 11. Monteiro CA, Conde WL, Popkin BM. Income-specific tendencies in fleshiness in Brazil: 1975-2003. Am J Public Health 2007 ; 97:1808-12. 12. Monteiro CA, Conde WL, Popkin BM. The load of disease from undernutrition and overnutrition in states undergoing rapid nutrition passage: a position from Brazil. Am J Public Health 2004 ; 94:433-4. 13. de Brauw A. Migration and child development during the nutrient monetary value crisis in El Salvador. Food Policy ; In Press, Corrected Proof. 14. Link BG, Phelan J. Social conditions as cardinal causes of disease. J Health Soc Behav 1995 ; Spec No:80-94. 15. Link BG, Phelan JC. Understanding sociodemographic differences in wellness — the function of cardinal societal causes. Am J Public Health 1996 ; 86:471-3. 16. Phelan JC, Link BG. Controling disease and making disparities: a cardinal cause position. J Gerontol B Psychol Sci Soc Sci 2005 ; 60 Spec No 2:27-33. 17. Miech R. The formation of a socioeconomic wellness disparity: the instance of cocaine usage during the 1980s and 1990s. J Health Soc Behav 2008 ; 49:352-66. 18. Chang VW, Lauderdale DS. Fundamental cause theory, technological invention, and wellness disparities: the instance of cholesterin in the epoch of lipid-lowering medicines. J Health Soc Behav 2009 ; 50:245-60. 19. Monteiro CA, Conde WL, Lu B, Popkin BM. Obesity and unfairnesss in wellness in the underdeveloped universe. Int J Obes Relat Metab Disord 2004 ; 28:1181-6. 20. McLaren L. Socioeconomic position and fleshiness. Epidemiologic Reviews 2007 ; 29:29-48. 21. DHS Model Questionnaires. Measure DHS Macro International. ( Accessed at hypertext transfer protocol: //www.measuredhs.com/aboutsurveys/dhs/questionnaires.cfm. ) 22. DHS. DHS Guidelines for Interviewer Training: Measure DHS. Macro International ; 2000. 23. Indonesian Family Life Survey. ( Accessed Janurary 10, 2010, at hypertext transfer protocol: //www.rand.org/labor/FLS/IFLS/hh.html. ) 24. WHO/FAO. Expert Consultation on Diet, Nutrition and the Prevention of Chronic DiseasesReport of the joint WHO/FAO expert audience. Geneva: World Health Organization ; 2003. 25. Ahmad O, Boschi-Pinto C, Lopez A, Murray C. Age standardisation of rates: a new WHO criterion. Geneva: World Health Organization ; 1999. 26. Rutstein SO, Johnson K. The DHS Wealth Index: Measure DHS, Macro International ; 2004. 27. Appropriate body-mass index for Asiatic populations and its deductions for policy and intercession schemes. The Lancet 2004 ; 363:157-63. 28. Ziraba AK, Fotso JC, Ochako R. Overweight and fleshiness in urban Africa: A job of the rich or the hapless? BMC Public Health 2009 ; 9:465. 29. Du S, Mroz TA, Zhai F, Popkin BM. Rapid income growing adversely affects diet quality in China — peculiarly for the hapless! Soc Sci Med 2004 ; 59:1505-15. 30. Monda KL, Gordon-Larsen P, Stevens J, Popkin BM. China ‘s passage: the consequence of rapid urbanisation on big occupational physical activity. Soc Sci Med 2007 ; 64:858-70. 1.

Schizophrenia, It s A Long And Confusing Word Essay

Schizophrenia, it’s a long and confusing word. It can be quite a puzzling disorder to most as well. It has been called madness, hysteria, and even paranoia in the past but that is not the case today. However, Schizophrenia has many meanings, for there is not a specific definition. One of those meaning states it is a â€Å"chronic (long-lasting) brain disorder, affecting 1 in every 100 people worldwide† (Schizophrenia, 2013). What exactly is schizophrenia though? What are the symptoms of schizophrenia? What can I do treatment wise? These are common questions every person has when discovering and being diagnosed with a disorder. These questions are very significant and need to be answered. Schizophrenia is derived from the â€Å"Greek words schizo which means split and phrene , which means mind† (Schizophrenia, 2016). One can see how these two words would bring out the meaning of Schizophrenia, as a person with this identity disorder can experience more voices than normal in their mind. 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